Arnold's Negro Problem

Irmin

DRUDGE REPORT SUN AUGUST 31, 2003

ABCNEWS SPIKES INTERVIEW WITH SCHWARZENEGGER ASSOCIATE; RACIST COMMENT COMES BACK TO HAUNT CANDIDATE

ABC NEWS has spiked an interview with a close associate of Arnold Schwarzenegger who went on camera and accused the California gubernatorial candidate of making racist comments back in the 1970s, the DRUDGE REPORT has learned.

Charges of past racist comments by Schwarzenegger were leveled by Rick Wayne, sources claim, a former bodybuilding star who is now the publisher of the St. Lucia Star.

Wayne, who is black, told ABC NEWS that Schwarzenegger made the comments regarding South Africa's former Apartheid system:

"If you gave these blacks a country to run, they would run it down the tubes," Schwarzenegger allegedly said.

The interview was taped and set for airing but was spiked, the DRUDGE REPORT has learned.

Schwarzenegger's reported remark, allegedly uttered almost three decades ago, is worth parsing. Its status as an offensively "racist comment" encapsulates much of the inflexible PC that underlies contemporary race relations. The following will be a brief examination of the racially obvious, a useful exercise in a political climate wherein public recognition of racial realities can be devastating.

Schwarzenegger was speaking about South African Blacks, and he was making a sensible prediction: If Blacks ever assumed control over then White-governed South Africa, the country would quickly deteriorate. His prediction has, in the intervening years, come true. Blacks now rule South Africa, thanks in large part to a concerted effort by liberal activists in the West, and South African Blacks have indeed "run it down the tubes," just as Schwarzenegger anticipated. Sub-Saharan Africa's only success story has become just another in a long list of Black failures.

But Rick Wayne is not now publicizing an old conversation in order to document Arnold's powers of prophecy. He hopes to injure him, and he knows that a record of unflattering statements about Blacks, no matter how truthful, is potentially lethal to any aspiring White politician. The undeniable accuracy of Schwarzenegger's prediction is at best immaterial and at worst an additional political liability. None of Schwarzenegger's supporters in California will dare mention that recent history has retroactively proven their gubernatorial candidate correct. Instead they will, probably disingenuously, deny that he ever felt anything but enthusiasm at the prospect of consigning White South Africans to the dangers of majority-Black rule. An honest assertion of the truth -- that Black government in South Africa was a predictable disaster -- would provoke howls of outrage, so political prudence entails cynical deceit.
 

White victim of Black farm invasion
White victim of a farm invasion, a common occurrence in the "New South Africa." The top of this elderly farmer's head was sheared off by his Black killers.

South Africa is, to state the obvious again, a foreign country, far off on a different continent. In theory Schwarzenegger's pessimism, decades ago, about the viability of a Black-governed South Africa should be an irrelevant curiosity, no more politically significant in the United States than if he had predicted impending disaster for newly independent Bangladesh, also far off on a different continent. Yet in practice an implied subject of any open recognition of Black failure on the Dark Continent is the observable fact of Black failure at home, as well as everywhere else in the Black Diaspora. That is why mainstream journalists so rarely report news of ubiquitous Black African violence and depravity. A story about cannibalism in the Congo or mass slaughter in Liberia is implicitly also a story about the congenital violence and depravity of the Blacks who have wrecked most major American cities and who fill American prisons. The abundant evidence of Black deficiencies across the globe suggests an obvious pattern, and the liberal media are fearful that we might connect the dots.

What do Detroit and Washington DC have in common with Johannesburg and Port-au-Prince? All have Black majorities; all have staggering rates of crime, far in excess of any city in which Whites form the majority; all are failures, marked by squalor, violence, and disease. As a general rule, with few (if any) exceptions, a city or a nation dominated by Blacks will be backward and crime-ridden, and at some level most Euro-Americans recognize that visible truth, as their residential patterns amply indicate. Anti-racialist liberals may publicly endorse the Orwellian platitudes of diversity-speak, intoning the strength that racial diversity ostensibly confers, but most nevertheless understand that the presence of large numbers of Blacks in any given place is a good index of crime, assorted social pathologies, and often outright savagery. White liberals are no more likely to live voluntarily among inner-city Blacks than are a klavern of Klansmen, and both avoid diversity for exactly the same reason.

In an American context Arnold's prediction of Black failure in South Africa implied doubts about the capacities of Black Americans, doubts that most Whites feel but are effectively prohibited from vocalizing. Hence Rick Wayne's still-simmering anger more than two decades later. And hence also the PC alchemy that transforms a verifiably accurate prediction into a shameful "racist comment."


Regime Change in Africa's "Oldest Democracy"

Liberia has been a place of bloody coups and gang rule.

In 1980 it was reported that a bloody coup was carried out against Liberian President William R. Tolbert. Samuel K. Doe carried out the military takeover. No one had heard of him until he surprised Tolbert in his bedroom, cut his eyes out, quartered him and executed his cabinet.

Doe assumed the presidency and his regime eventually became spoiled with all of the privileges of power. Liberia received more political and military assistance from the USA in the decade of Doe's rule than it had ever received, despite an increasingly deteriorating political climate and human rights record.

Ten years of abuses of power were his downfall.

Prince Yormie Johnson captured Doe in April of 1990. Doe was tortured, mutilated and finally brutally killed. The incident was all caught on videotape. The tape later found its way all over West Africa, images of the videotape shocked civilized people all over the world. The video showed hideous images, that seemed to be a huge hit in Liberia and in neighboring Sierra Leone.

They first showed President Doe sitting in a chair. One of the attackers shot Doe wounding both knees. They stripped him naked tied him up and kicked him in the face. They also beat him with sticks and gun butts. He begged for water and the soldiers poured beer all over him. They were taunting him asking him if he could make himself invisible.

They cut off president Doe's ear and forced him to eat it. Then they castrated him.

There are many other ritual killings that soldiers in the "bush" carry out. Many have been known to cut out the hearts of their enemies and eat them to gain power.

Others have been known to use hallucinogenic drugs and folk magic or Voodoo to endow them with magical powers. They believe that they are the rulers of the earth and are invincible. The eating of the flesh is supposed to release the power of the animal or human being into them.

Men in the "bush" claim that this practice gives them courage and makes them strong. Some of the men wear testicle amulets as well. The testicles are taken from an enemy, smoked and dried like fish. They become hard and are later hung from a chain around the neck. There are also women who gain sexual energy from eating the genitalia of their enemies.

Journey to the Elephant's Graveyard

***

Yearning for White Rule in Jamaica

In August, Jamaica celebrated the 40th anniversary of its Independence from Britain. To mark the event, a local newspaper conducted a now infamous poll. To the surprise and horror of many Jamaican politicians, 53% replied the country would have been better off had it remained a British Colony, while only 15% thought it would have been worse off.

[...]

The electorate's lethargic conservatism reflects the seeming intractability of Jamaica's problems. The foremost of these is violent crime. The murder rate rose by 30% in 2001. So far this year, it is down by 14%. Even so, more than 700 people have been murdered since January in a country of 2.6m people. Elections themselves are notoriously violent affairs in Jamaica. But this one was fairly quiet by local standards, with 60 people said to have died in election-related violence. The independent Electoral Advisory Committee decreed a ban on campaigning in six particularly violent constituencies.

The Economist, October 19th, 2002, p. 33.

***

Congolese Culinary Practices

Pygmy leaders have called on the UN to set up an international tribunal to put government and rebel fighters from the Democratic Republic of Congo on trial for acts of cannibalism against their people. Sinafasi Makelo, a representative of Mbuti pygmies, told the UN's Indigenous People's Forum that during the four-year civil war his people had been hunted down and eaten.

"In living memory, we have seen cruelty, massacres, and genocide, but we have never seen human beings hunted down as though they were game animals," he said.

"Pygmies are being pursued in the forests. People have been eaten. This is nothing more, nothing less, than a crime against humanity."

More than 600,000 pygmies are believed to live in the Congo's vast jungles, where they eke out a subsistence existence. Both sides in the war regard them as "subhuman," and believe that their flesh can confer magical powers.

[...]

There were reports yesterday of cannibalism against other Congolese in the mineral-rich province of Ituri in the east. Fierce clashes between ethnic Hema and Lendu militias this month are known to have resulted in more than 300 deaths. A mass grave containing the remains of more than 30 men, women and children was found near the town, UN officials said. Church leaders and residents have accused Lendu militiamen of killing civilians, cutting open their chests, removing hearts, lungs and livers, and eating them.

Times Online, May 23, 2003

South African Nightmare

John Morse

A stunning article appeared in the [British] Daily Mail of October 30th. Written by Ross Benson, reporting first-hand from Johannesburg, it lifts the lid on the near-collapse of South Africa since White rule ended a few years ago.

Despite the odd knee-jerk genuflection to liberal orthodoxy whenever "Saint" Nelson Mandela gets a mention (possibly a condition of the article getting into print), Benson's bleak portrayal of what is rapidly becoming a living nightmare makes few other concessions to contemporary political correctness. It is overwhelmingly a forthright, honest and courageous exposé of hideous realities that the worldwide globalist establishment has been at some pains to hide from the view of us hoi-polloi.

Says Benson, writing immediately prior to the Commonwealth Conference:

The nation the Queen so warmly welcomed back into the Commonwealth, and will visit again in a few weeks' time, is now half a decade into majority rule. In that short period it has contrived to make itself the most dangerous place on earth.
Of course, one may quibble at the description of the new one-man-one-vote South Africa as a "nation." It is in reality nothing of the kind; it is merely a "populated area" containing a number of nations (for example, among the Whites the Afrikaners; among the Blacks the Zulus), combined with a mainly urbanized mishmash of other population elements, a rootless multiracial, multitribal proletariat of indeterminate identity. Here there is, and can be, no natural meeting of minds in the kind of spontaneous consensus about fundamental values that is necessary for nationhood. The basic groupings -- Whites, Blacks, Coloreds, Asians -- are far too different for that. Nor do the Blacks, the most numerous racial group, forming an absolute majority of the nation as a whole, have any cohesion amongst themselves. The "Black majority," which anti-apartheid propagandists have always bleated about, is a numerical abstraction, not a concrete political reality. South Africa's Blacks, divided in ethnic and tribal terms, have no unanimity of outlook and are not, for any practical purpose, a nation at all. There exist amongst them animosities and conflicts of ancient origin which long pre-date the arrival of the European. The pretense that this hard reality on the ground can be abolished by indiscriminately giving everyone a vote and then simply dubbing them "South Africans" is a typically inane piece of liberal fiction. The attempt to apply it is at the root -- though Benson does not go so far as to admit it -- of South Africa's growing catastrophe.

Self-destruction

And how may one measure that catastrophe? South Africa's regression towards primeval barbarism, which Benson details, is quite neatly summarized at the head of his article: "A woman is raped every 28 seconds, qualified doctors are leaving in droves, while beggars and goats have set up home in the marble foyers of derelict banks. South Africa today has become a nation on the edge of self-destruction."

Law and order have to all intents and purposes broken down in South Africa. Any sense of security no longer exists. Says Benson of the country's crime:

Farmers are butchered in their fields. The parks and beaches have become killing fields. Car-jackings with mind-numbing violence are a daily occurrence. The murder rate is running at 27,000 a year.
Benson then repeats the horrifying statistics for rape, of which more will be said.

These figures, he comments, "breed the kind of fear that has you leaping at shadows, jumping red lights and climbing out of bed in the middle of the night to check, yet again, that you have double-locked the doors."

For you to protect your home even halfway adequately, it now seems that you need to pay an "armed response" security firm. But whatever you do is never enough. One Black businessman told Benson that he had lost count of the numbers of his friends who had been mugged.

Everyone is in the firing line. No social gathering can take place without horror stories being exchanged. But at this point we get some hint of the censorship that hitherto has been mobilized to keep as much as possible of the truth from the public gaze (presumably an increasingly difficult task in the ever-worsening crisis engulfing the country). A White security man commented on the criminal mayhem: "It's happening to your friends, your brother, his wife, your sister, your mother," but, "it isn't something you read in the papers or hear about on the television news any more."

Adds Benson: "He carried a gun, but he wasn't fooling himself. He knew it could happen to him. In Mandela's 'Rainbow Nation' the dream is running blood red."

Clearly, South Africa's new ANC (African National Congress) Government is almost neurotically aware that the legitimacy of its rule is at stake here.

Decline of a City

Nowhere is the situation worse than in Johannesburg, where it is exemplified in all its worst manifestations. Benson gives a graphic description of how that unhappy city has declined. Here, too, he comes courageously close to modern-day heresy in giving the White Man his historic due as the true creator of South Africa's original productive infrastructure (a subject today largely taboo in a world sold on the "politically correct" elevation of the non-European at the expense of the European), and also focusing on the White Man's predicament now.

In a striking characterization of the city, Benson writes:

Built on the largest seam of gold ever discovered, this was once the richest city in Africa, a gleaming steel-and-glass citadel rising out of the brown ocean of the Veld, a testament to the economic power [and perhaps the innate character? JM] of the white community that built it, but also an example of what can be achieved by hard work and individual enterprise.
And now? "The skyscrapers are still there," he continues, "but the people who gave them life and prosperity have gone, driven out by hordes of squatters, beggars and illegal traders who bought Mandela's promise of a 'better life for all' -- and demanded instant delivery."

He continues:

Barbecues made of old oil cans blaze in the marble foyers of what used to be the headquarters of banks and airlines. There are goats tethered in hallways. Corrugated iron huts have sprung up on the once-manicured lawns.

This is not an environment in which any respectable business person, be they black or white, can live or work -- and most have fled.

Benson next proceeds to a grim and frightening account of what has been very rapid urban and social decay in the center of a city in which I once lived and worked myself. Now, even big business is quitting a metropolis of which it was once the raison d'être.

The country's flag carrier, South African Airlines, has taken refuge in the distant outer suburbs. The big mining houses (which practically built the town) and even the Stock Exchange are to follow suit. It is evident they can hardly remain in a city center in which it is unsafe for their employees to travel to and from work. Benson also reports that the Carlton Hotel has closed and sold all its contents, and "the Holiday Inn is a deserted fortress, its 800 empty rooms protected by reinforced steel shutters." It is as if the London Hilton, the Dorchester and our other luxury hotels were to close down because order had totally collapsed, and the city had become uninhabitable! All this is the tale of one of the world's major cities crumbling into chaos and dereliction, perhaps one day in the not too distant future to become as defunct as ancient Babylon.

It is now impossible even to walk in any degree of safety to the South African Supreme Court building to get one's case heard. The alleyways leading to it are prowled by muggers who, says Benson, "are not open to appeal." Although the court still goes through the motions of administering the law, this has, comments Benson, "helped ease the backlog of cases" in a country where, as other commentators have noted, "affirmative action" has led to the colonization of the bench by magistrates who are illiterate, incompetent, corrupt and racially and politically biased, and routinely bail murderers and rapists back into the community to re-offend. Cases are never dealt with, crime explodes -- no law, no order!

Fear at Night

No wonder Central Johannesburg is now so much a place to avoid, especially at night. "As dusk falls," says Benson,

... the streets start filling with prostitutes and criminals pushing drugs, and pills that turn a black skin white -- before eventually killing you (if AIDS hasn't claimed you first; up to 10 per cent of the population is carrying the virus and three quarters of the entire health budget will soon be spent on treating the incurable).

You can hear the occasional sound of gunfire rolling down from Hillbrow, by cruel coincidence Johannesburg's first integrated neighborhood.

To many, including me (who once lived in that very high-rise district), this does not seem so much of a coincidence.

Implicitly referring to the consequences of "affirmative action", Benson describes how

... the police keep promising to move in and clean the place up; they never do, and if they did it probably wouldn't make any difference: the Minister in charge of so-called security recently admitted to parliament that a policeman is three times more likely to commit a serious crime than an average member of the public.
Summarizing his observations of Johannesburg, Benson comments:
So much for the dream. This is the reality -- and it is a shocking one, worse than I had anticipated. I have seen cities abandoned in war. This is the first city I have ever seen abandoned to the barbarians in time of peace.
So what of the luckless Whites, themselves abandoned amid this chaos to the consequences of "multiracial democracy"? This, Benson makes clear, is not only a tale of de facto displacement by conditions of social chaos which White people find utterly intolerable; this in itself has caused mass White migrations. In Johannesburg those who opt to remain in proximity to the city have retreated to its northern outer suburbs. But there is a mass movement, in effect recoiling on the old pioneer routes, back to Cape Province, the region of South Africa in which Europeans first touched land. It is estimated that in five years 80 per cent of the country's Whites will be clustered towards the Cape.

Even in the Cape there is now a project to establish at least one urban area, some miles into the interior outside Cape Town, which will in practice be a fortified settlement. With property priced beyond what most Blacks, and quite a few poor Whites, could possibly afford, it is, at the size of Monaco, to be protected by a 33,000-volt fence and patrolled by armed guards.

But in addition, fearful of lawlessness, the White population is also being harassed and persecuted by the law. As Benson comments:

The government has lost the battle of the streets but they have control of parliament, and they have used their power to pass legislation aimed specifically at one ethnic group.
Instead of apartheid, there is now "affirmative action," whereby Whites are de jure displaced from their jobs and deprived of their incomes to make way for Blacks, without regard for the latter's qualifications or abilities, but purely on racial grounds in order to "redress past imbalances."

The result? Air traffic controllers are now being appointed who cannot read their instruments. According to Commissioner of Police George Fivaz, 30,000 of his officers are "functionally illiterate." To supplement the facts quoted by Benson, one may add the purging of the health services over two years ago (as also reported at the time in the Daily Mail, by Peter Younghusband, the paper's then South African correspondent) by the Minister of Health Nkosazana Zuma, who replaced district surgeons and doctors with Cuban recruits competent neither in the English language nor as medical practitioners.

Working Class Whites Thrown on Scrapheap

Working class Whites are now being dumped and paid a miserable dole to make way for Africans. Benson quotes the example of a bus driver sacked after 17 years service. For blue-collar Whites, "the economic trap-door has opened beneath them and dropped them below the poverty line. Unemployed and never likely to be employed, their children ragged and barefoot, dependent on benefits of £150 a month each, which is often not paid (the social services are being 'reorganized' -- and there's a sinister phrase!). Some families can no longer afford to feed themselves." These now rely on church soup kitchens.

Apparently, whilst the violently racist anti-White politician Patricia De Lille says that Tony Blair has donated £20,000 to the home for sick children for which she works, "no-one," says Benson, "is digging in their pockets to help poor Whites. They are off the end of Mandela's rainbow, without a pot of gold in sight."

The Government in the new South Africa is intolerant of opposition. According to White Democratic Party opposition leader Tony Leon, "they want everyone to be "on side". If you criticize them -- and we do vigorously -- they call you neo-nazi racists" (a strange epithet considering that Leon is Jewish). It seems that even Patricia De Lille -- whose Pan-Africanist Party's slogan is "One settler [i.e. White person], one bullet" -- has been "battered by this accusation." The cause? She has been taking the ANC Government and its Ministers to task for the stupendous corruption whereby they have turned themselves and their most privileged supporters into a new class of fat cats (all very typical of post-colonial Africa).

Free school lunches promised by Mandela fail to reach the children; family allowances are not paid; council houses are so jerry-built they are virtually uninhabitable. But when these failures come under criticism as in the case of de Lille the response of the Government under the new president Mbeki is to threaten her with expulsion from parliament for being "racist," and bring in legislation to outlaw criticism of a person's "private life" which might "impair their dignity." De Lille asks where the money for these public projects went, and answers "into someone's pocket."

There was corruption under South Africa's ancien regime, as there is any country in the world under any government. But it was never, as it is today, on a scale sufficient to cause the collapse of whole areas of public administration.

In a nutshell, then, thanks to Ross Benson, we now have an overview of the "New South Africa" from which to take stock. What we see is a picture of vicious and exploding crime, of chaos verging on anarchy, of corruption and incompetence way beyond anything in the country's past, and of the racial harassment and persecution of the White minority -- the people who actually built the country in the first place, and without whom there would have been literally nothing for their successors to take over and bring to ruin.

It is not a picture which those with their heads screwed on the right way did not predict, decades ago, as the likely outcome of majority rule -- though such people were then, and would still now be, vilified as "right-wing, racist reactionaries." Or worse. Such a fate has come upon Ross Benson, who has been roundly denounced in sections of the South African media, according to a second article by correspondent David Jones, also writing from Johannesburg, published in the Mail two weeks after his own.

Backlash

The Mail's own letters page witnessed a similar backlash of censorious intolerance in the week following the publication of Benson's report. This response looked a little like a coordinated "write-in" against Benson by aggrieved ANC supporters in Britain. This was in spite of Jones' characterization of his piece as a "painfully accurate article about the demise of post-apartheid South Africa." It is worth pointing out that neither Benson nor Jones have any record of being "racists" or supporters of apartheid -- something that ought to be self-evident, to those in the know, by the fact that they have access to the columns of a major national newspaper like the Daily Mail.

In a second Spearhead article to follow, we will be looking at Jones's report, which is mainly on the subject of rape -- now at a higher incidence in South Africa than anywhere else in the world. This will include the vexed question of racially motivated rape. We will also be considering questions of ethnic cleansing and censorship -- mostly informal -- as they apply to that country.


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